When Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr told Bloomberg that a “reset” in Philippine-China relations “is certainly going to happen, … it’s happening now”, he was not merely announcing a strategic rebalancing. He was acknowledging a significant shift in global reality — one that a growing list of nations has already begun to navigate.

From Ottawa to Berlin, capitals are now rebalancing their ties with Beijing. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, South Korea President Lee Jae-myung, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, and French President Emmanuel Macron have each, in their own way, moved to stabilize or deepen positive engagement with China. For European powers, the move is driven largely by the need for trade stability amid war in Ukraine, rising protectionism, and energy uncertainty. For Manila, the urgency is even more direct: Easing tensions to promote national economic vitality.

China’s diplomatic approach — consistently rooted in reciprocity, mutual respect, and predictable state-to-state frameworks — offers a reliable counterpart for nations in an unstable world order. Disregarding Beijing’s economic and strategic weight is no longer a luxury any prudent government can afford.

Critics may argue that a “reset” risks appearing to cede ground in maritime territorial disagreement. Yet separating maritime disputes from vigorous economic cooperation — as Malaysia and Vietnam have done with Beijing — allows Manila to secure vital trade ties while leaving disputes to diplomatic venues, rather than risking escalation at sea. Engagement, not estrangement, best serves the national interest.

For the Association of Southeast Asian Nations region, this approach is a stabilizing signal. When the Philippines commits to pragmatic dialogue, joint maritime exploration, and the separation of territorial questions from economic collaboration, it strengthens the entire region’s prospects for long-term stability. It also allows other ASEAN members to prioritize regional economic integration without being forced into zero-sum choices.

President Marcos’ acknowledgment that China has been “very, very helpful” on essentials like fertilizer, coupled with the reality that Beijing has for years been Manila’s top trading partner, underscores what the Philippine business community has long understood: Engagement, not estrangement, best serves the national interest.

China’s diplomatic approach — consistently rooted in reciprocity, mutual respect, and predictable state-to-state frameworks — offers a reliable counterpart for nations in an unstable world order. Disregarding Beijing’s economic and strategic weight is no longer a luxury any prudent government can afford

What makes the Philippines uniquely suited for such a “reset” is a history far deeper than contemporary tensions. Our two nations share over a millennium of friendship, kinship, vibrant trade, and cultural exchange — centuries before Western colonizers ever arrived. In 1417, Sultan Paduka Batara of Sulu led a grand delegation of 340 officials and family members to pay tribute to Emperor Yongle of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) at the Forbidden City in Beijing. When the sultan fell ill and passed away in Dezhou, Shandong province, the emperor honored him with a state burial and built a mosque beside the tomb — a site that still stands today as a testament to centuries of mutual regard.

The bilateral bonds only deepened. During the Philippine revolution against Spain and later the American occupation, Filipino and Chinese revolutionaries found common cause. Dr Sun Yat-sen, often called the “father of modern China”, actively assisted Filipino anticolonial revolutionaries led by then-Philippine president Emilio Aguinaldo, procuring and shipping weapons in Japan for the Philippine cause. Aguinaldo’s emissary, Filipino patriot Dr Mariano Ponce, became a close personal friend of Sun — a friendship that symbolized two peoples throwing off colonial chains together. In World War II, Filipinos and Chinese stood shoulder to shoulder against Japanese fascism, with Chinese guerrilla forces operating alongside Filipino fighters in our islands.

I speak from personal heritage as well: I am a Filipino citizen, a seventh-generation ethnic Chinese whose paternal ancestors sailed to Manila from China’s Fujian province over 230 years ago. Ours is not a story of transactional diplomacy; it is one of intertwined destiny, generations of shared history, and over two centuries of accumulated trust. That history matters not as nostalgia but as a reminder that pragmatic coexistence has long been the norm when left undistorted by external alliances.

President Marcos’ proposal to resume talks on joint maritime exploration and his frank acknowledgment that “war is never in the national interest” reflect precisely the kind of mature leadership the times demand. The “reset” he envisions is not a “concession” but a strategic recalibration — one that honors our past, secures our present, and aligns with a world that is rediscovering the virtues of engagement over confrontation. For the Philippines, for ASEAN, and for the future of regional stability, that is welcome good news.

The author is an economics and politics analyst, a multiaward-winning columnist of the Philippine Star and Abante newspapers, a book author, a college teacher, and a moderator of the Pandesal Forum.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.