Jingoistic TV dramas, Yasukuni visits harm relations with Asian neighbors
Prominent figures in Japan have warned that growing nationalist tendencies and incorrect attitudes toward the history of Japan's war of aggression, reflected in negative portrayals of Asian neighbors in popular television dramas and politicians' actions over the Yasukuni war shrine, could further strain relations with neighboring countries and harm Japan itself.
The second season of the popular Japanese drama Vivant has sparked controversy. The series follows a fictional secret intelligence unit of Japan's Self-Defense Forces, known as "Beppan", on overseas missions.
It portrays Chinese intelligence operatives as its main adversaries and Japanese agents as heroes defending national interests, raising questions about its negative portrayal of China, justification of overseas military operations and attitudes toward wartime history.
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Japanese military historian Masahiro Yamazaki questioned why a popular entertainment drama would adopt a propaganda-like narrative that fuels hostility toward neighboring countries.
He said Vivant portrays China and North Korea as enemies and their personnel as ruthless perpetrators of violence, while glorifying Japanese intelligence agents who carry out violent operations overseas in disregard of international law and Japan's Constitution.
Yamazaki said the drama aligns with the Takaichi administration's hostile policies toward China and could further strain bilateral relations. He criticized Japan's mainstream media for focusing on the TV drama's entertainment value while failing to scrutinize its political implications or hold TBS, the broadcaster and producer, accountable.
On Oct 14, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi mentioned Vivant while answering a lawmaker's question at a House of Representatives Budget Committee session.
She said she had recorded the drama and hoped to watch it during the year-end and New Year holidays.
Drawing parallels with the period before World War II, Yamazaki noted that the United States in 1941, like China today, was Japan's largest trading partner, yet Japanese media fueled public hostility toward it.
He warned that Japanese media must avoid stirring up similar hostility today, as further deterioration in Sino-Japanese relations would harm the interests of most Japanese people and businesses.
Kyodo News reported on Oct 24 that the Japanese government plans to step up publicity on security policies from late October ahead of revisions to three key national security documents by year-end.
The campaign will target different age groups through social media, videos featuring well-known figures, television, and advertisements in public spaces, emphasizing the connection between national security and everyday life.
Concerns have been raised in Japan over the Takaichi administration's erroneous stance on wartime history.
Several Japanese politicians sent ritual offerings to the Yasukuni war shrine during its fall festival from Oct 17 to 19, while some Cabinet members and lawmakers visited in person. Prime Minister Takaichi did not visit the shrine but sent offerings, raising fresh questions about her attitude toward Japan's wartime past.
Ahead of the festival, an NHK documentary titled Yasukuni Shrine: Secret Records — The Blank Postwar History disclosed for the first time internal meeting minutes related to the Yasukuni war shrine, revealing the decision-making process behind the enshrinement of 14 Class-A war criminals, including wartime prime minister Hideki Tojo.
The records show that the Japanese government had made arrangements with the shrine for the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals as early as the 1960s, but the matter was kept from the public until it came to light in 1979.
On Oct 17, Takaichi sent a ritual offering known as masakaki to the shrine in her official capacity as prime minister. She also attended a memorial ceremony for fallen Self-Defense Forces personnel at the Ministry of Defense that day.
Asked whether Takaichi had performed a remote act of worship toward Yasukuni, a person close to the prime minister declined to comment, according to Japan's Jiji Press.
Two days later, Takaichi arranged for a senior Liberal Democratic Party official to present a monetary offering to the shrine on her behalf.
Takaichi had previously performed such an act of worship on Aug 15, the anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War II, facing the shrine from a parking area at the Nippon Budokan venue after attending the national memorial ceremony for the war dead.
Political calculation
Atsushi Koketsu, professor emeritus at Yamaguchi University, said that sending ritual offerings and worshiping the shrine from a distance were both problematic, arguing that the latter is essentially no different from visiting in person.
In his view, Takaichi was trying to reassure her right-wing and conservative supporters at home while avoiding criticism from China and other Asian neighbors that a personal visit could provoke.
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Remote worship, he said, was a politically calculated gesture rather than a meaningful departure from an actual visit.
While serving as a Cabinet minister, Takaichi regularly visited Yasukuni during its seasonal festivals. She has refrained from doing so since last year's fall festival.
As right-wing ideology gains ground in Japan, continuing to enshrine Class-A war criminals as deities and glorify them effectively amounts to affirming the country's past wars of aggression, Koketsu said.
He also warned that Takaichi's approach would be difficult for people in China and other Asian countries to accept, with potentially negative consequences for Japanese society and Japan's foreign relations.
Contact the writers at houjunjie@chinadaily.com.cn
