On April 10, when Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, met with Cheng Li-wun, chairwoman of the Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) in Beijing, the mood was positive. It was the first time since 2016 that a serving KMT leader had met with Xi, who initiated the visit. The exchanges were based on the 1992 Consensus and a rejection of “Taiwan independence”.
There was strong consensus between the two sides, which bodes well for cross-Strait relations. At the outset, Xi said people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait were Chinese, with the purpose of the meeting being “to safeguard the peace and stability of our shared homeland, to promote the peaceful development of cross-Strait relations, and to allow future generations to share in a bright and beautiful future”. He explained that Taiwan’s unique lifestyle and system would be respected, with its residents sharing in the country’s economic development.
Xi said the “broader trend of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation will not change”, a reference to China becoming a great power by 2049, which will mark the 100th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China.
In response, Cheng, who earlier called her visit a “peace trip”, echoed Xi’s sentiments. She said both the KMT and the CPC had always wanted “to guide the Chinese nation out of decline and toward rejuvenation”. She added, “The great Chinese rejuvenation involves people on both sides of the Strait (and) was about the reawakening and resurgence of Chinese civilization”.
Cheng envisaged sustainable avenues for dialogue and cooperation being underpinned by a “shared political foundation characterized by a firm adherence to the 1992 Consensus and opposition to ‘Taiwan independence’”, a breath of fresh air after recent events.
The visit occurred at a time when controversy is raging in Taipei over the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) authorities’ attempts to push a $40 billion “special defense” budget through the “legislative yuan”. As usual, the United States’ arms manufacturers will benefit enormously if the proposal is passed. However, the DPP does not control the legislature, and opposition parties, including the KMT, have blocked the budget, arguing it is too large and too vague.
This was why, on their recent visit (March 30-31), a bipartisan group of US senators, led by John Curtis and Jeanne Shaheen, urged the legislature to approve the budget. Although Shaheen claimed that approving the budget would “signal peace through strength”, no one should be under any illusions that the US arms industry is in the driver’s seat. It heavily influences American politics, and reportedly donated over $184 million to candidates and Congressional committees from 2014 to 2022 to secure high military budgets. Whereas roughly 98 percent of lawmakers received its funding, it now has many of them in its pocket, and they are expected to drum up global arms sales.
Once the senators returned home, they feared (or else their backers feared) their message had not struck home. On April 17, they therefore wrote to Han Kuo-yu, head of the “legislative yuan”, and to lawmakers from each party. Once again, they urged the passage of the “special defense” budget, informing the lawmakers of an upcoming announcement of yet further arms sales.
For the US arms manufacturers and their Congressional puppets, Taiwan is a milch cow, the source of endless orders. The last thing they want to see is China’s peaceful reunification, let alone national rejuvenation. When Cheng declared that the maintenance of the 1992 Consensus was a way to “avoid war, prevent tragedy, work together and create peace”, their angst can be imagined.
Coincidentally, April 10 is also the date on which the US enacted the “Taiwan Relations Act” (1979), which serves as the basis for its arms sales to Taipei. Right on cue, the Taipei-based “American Institute in Taiwan” announced that efforts to deepen collaboration with Taiwan in security and other areas would continue, with the US committed “to provide Taiwan arms of a defensive character”. This must have been music to the ears of its military-industrial complex (MIC), which employs over 2.2 million workers, directly and indirectly, whose jobs depend on new weapons sales.
The last thing the DPP authorities, led by Lai Ching-te, wants is to upset the US (or its MIC), and it therefore blasted Cheng’s visit. Chiu Chui-cheng, head of the island’s “mainland affairs council”, accused her of acting as a “united front accomplice” and said the “one country, two systems” framework for Taiwan was unacceptable. Moreover, Chiu’s deputy, Liang Wen-chieh, upped the ante by invoking scare tactics. He said Lai’s government would monitor the KMT’s actions closely for any illegality.
In July, moreover, Lai failed to secure a DPP majority in the island’s legislature by attempting to recall 24 KMT lawmakers, and he is now resorting to intimidation to get his way. However, there is no reason to believe his latest attack on democratic norms will be any more successful than the last. But it exposes a two-faced politician in his true colors.
As Cheng concluded her visit, Beijing unveiled a package of 10 measures to promote cross-Strait exchanges across economic sectors. They include opening the Chinese mainland market to Taiwan’s agricultural products, easing travel restrictions, and admitting film and television works. The KMT hailed the measures as a “gift” to the people of Taiwan, and they were warmly welcomed by Taiwan’s industrial and business communities.
Whereas the chairman of the High Quality of Travel Association in Taipei, Li Chi-yueh, welcomed a package that “could help sectors hit hard by years of strained cross-Strait ties”, Hsiao Han-chun, the head of Taiwan’s islandwide farmers’ association, said the reopening of the mainland market would help allay worries caused by America’s “tariff war”.
The entertainment industry’s leaders were no less positive, noting that the decision to allow Taiwan’s dramas, documentaries, and animation to air on mainland platforms could generate new revenue streams.
The only discordant note was struck by the “mainland affairs council”, which, blinkered as always, said the mainland’s “unilateral concessions” were “poisoned pills” packaged as “generous gift packages”.
By any yardstick, Cheng’s visit was a significant step toward cross-Strait reconciliation, a counterweight to the DPP’s ongoing provocations. It generated goodwill, promoted closer ties, and yielded positive results. By demonstrating her own leadership qualities and vision, Cheng also exposed Lai’s inherent deficiencies. As China’s rejuvenation embraces all of its constituent parts, anybody who sees Taiwan’s future as a US outpost is on the wrong side of history.
The author is a senior counsel and law professor who was previously the Director of Public Prosecutions of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
