Beginning in 2020, the central authorities in Beijing have taken decisive measures to reshape Hong Kong’s political landscape and put the “patriots administering Hong Kong” principle into practice. Simultaneously, the West increasingly ceases to differentiate between the Chinese mainland and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, asserting that Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability no longer align with the West’s core interests. It also works to undermine the HKSAR’s stability, development, and international status to contain China.
All these changes have gradually shifted Hong Kong’s public opinion toward a direction favorable to the development of “one country, two systems”.
First, for a considerable period before and after the 1997 handover, anti-China forces and external forces dominated Hong Kong’s ideological, public opinion, and educational arenas. They ceaselessly spread anti-China, anti-communist, and anti-HKSAR government rhetoric that severely distorted the original intent and essence of “one country, two systems”. Such malicious and biased rhetoric has successfully fostered resentment toward the country, the central government, mainland compatriots, the HKSAR government, and the “one country, two systems” principle in Hong Kong society, especially among young people, seriously hindering the implementation of the principle. Today, these hostile forces no longer have a foothold in the city. Over the past few years, the central government, the HKSAR government, and patriotic forces have actively promoted various forms of national education in schools and society. More people now recognize that Hong Kong is an inseparable part of China, that “one country, two systems” is a policy that benefits both the country and the HKSAR, that the central government has comprehensive jurisdiction over Hong Kong, that what the central government does is for the good of Hong Kong, and that Hong Kong has the responsibility to safeguard national security.
Second, the central government’s decisive intervention has also ended the ongoing political struggles and unrest that had plagued Hong Kong since its return to China. In the past few years, Hong Kong’s governance has been relatively effective and smooth, allowing the HKSAR government and all sectors of society to focus on addressing longstanding and increasingly complex economic, social, and livelihood issues. The central government has also introduced a plethora of policies and measures that benefit Hong Kong economically and socially. The central government’s concern and care for Hong Kong have left a deep and favorable impression on many people. In the past few years, relations between the central government and the HKSAR, and between the mainland and Hong Kong, have been closer and better than ever before. Any attempt to sow discord between the people of Hong Kong and the country, or between the central government and the HKSAR, is becoming increasingly challenging to succeed in.
Third, in recent years, Hong Kong people have developed a new understanding and attitude toward the anti-China forces, who had previously styled themselves as “democratic fighters” and “human rights activists”, commanding significant power to incite society. For a long time after Hong Kong’s return to China, these people colluded with external forces to organize and launch a series of political machinations and riots, plunging Hong Kong into dire straits. After the implementation of the Hong Kong SAR National Security Law (NSL), some of these people still harbored illusions. They continued to engage in illegal activities and were ultimately unable to escape legal punishment. During the trials of cases involving violations of the NSL, numerous facts about the collusion between anti-China forces and external forces were exposed. As a result, Hong Kong people’s attitudes toward them have changed significantly. More Hong Kong people are resentful of their actions and have gained insight into their political plots.
More people now recognize that Hong Kong is an inseparable part of China, that “one country, two systems” is a policy that benefits both the country and the HKSAR, that the central government has comprehensive jurisdiction over Hong Kong, that what the central government does is for the good of Hong Kong, and that Hong Kong has the responsibility to safeguard national security
Fourth, Hong Kong people’s attitudes toward the United States and its allies are becoming increasingly negative. Their support for the local anti-China forces and their disgraceful role in Hong Kong’s long-term unrest have aroused resentment and vigilance among Hong Kong people. The unreasonable criticism and wanton suppression of Hong Kong by the US and its allies after the implementation of the NSL have made Hong Kong people aware of their hypocrisy, arrogance, and double standards. In the minds of Hong Kong people, Western media are no longer platforms for “objective” and “balanced” reporting. They are increasingly aware of the schemes behind Western media’s continuous extolling anti-China forces.
All these changes in Hong Kong’s public opinion have become increasingly clear over the past few years. Recent events and developments have brought these changes in public opinion to the forefront.
First, in the past, under the instigation and intimidation of local anti-China forces and external forces, many Hong Kong people were relatively resistant to strengthening economic ties with the mainland. In recent years, however, an increasing number of Hong Kong people, especially elites, have agreed that Hong Kong should accelerate its integration into the nation’s overall development. Many even believe that the HKSAR government’s work in these areas is too slow, and its depth and scope are insufficient. This shift in public opinion also reflects a growing trust and reliance on the country and the central government.
Second, many people previously believed that if Jimmy Lai Chee-ying, the ringleader and financier of local anti-China forces, were to be convicted of violating the NSL, a political storm would inevitably erupt. However, the situation has unfolded in the opposite direction. When Lai was convicted of violating the NSL and other laws, Hong Kong people did not show support or solidarity for him. As expected, Western media and politicians reacted fiercely over Lai’s conviction. But they failed to create any ripples in Hong Kong.
Third, in 2024, the HKSAR enacted and implemented the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance, marking the eventual completion of local legislation for Article 23 of the Basic Law. Hong Kong failed to legislate in 2003 when it tried for the first time. Since then, Article 23 legislation has been considered a “mission impossible” because of strong objection from the opposition camp. The successful completion of Article 23 legislation is due to many factors. Still, the reversal of public opinion in Hong Kong regarding Article 23 legislation is likely to be the major one. The successful enactment of the law reflects the increasing national consciousness and trust in the central government among Hong Kong people. Amid an increasingly complex international situation, Hong Kong people have come to realize that the city has become a pawn in the US’ and its allies’ ferocious endeavor to contain China.
Fourth, following the devastating fire at Wang Fuk Court in Tai Po, Western media outlets not only failed to express compassion for the victims and survivors but also sought to politicize the disaster, with some media outlets trying to exploit the disaster to incite discontent among Hong Kong residents toward the government. Nevertheless, while deeply saddened, Hong Kong residents affirmed the HKSAR government’s tireless efforts in firefighting, caring for and resettling victims, thoroughly investigating the causes, preventing future disasters, holding accountable those responsible, and committing to systemic reforms. The deep condolences and strong support expressed by President Xi Jinping, the central government, and various sectors of the mainland to Hong Kong brought warmth and comfort to the people of Hong Kong. Today, Hong Kong people are dealing with this disaster with a rational and pragmatic attitude, demonstrating a touching spirit of solidarity and mutual assistance, and rejecting attempts at politicizing the tragedy.
Finally, the Tai Po fire occurred on Nov 26, less than two weeks before the Legislative Council election scheduled for Dec 7. Some individuals with ulterior motives strived to use the fire to disrupt the election, attempting to turn it into an opportunity to express discontent with the government and patriotic forces. They hoped to lower the voter turnout to peddle their notion that the new electoral system was “unpopular”. They promoted the idea of postponing the election with the aim of securing more time to fan negative sentiment by exploiting the Tai Po fire. However, the central government, the HKSAR government, and patriotic forces were aware of this intrigue and decided to hold the election as scheduled. The Legislative Council election was held smoothly, with a higher turnout than the previous election. The successful election demonstrated that Hong Kong’s public opinion has become more rational. It shows that people no longer act rashly or impulsively, nor are they as easily swayed by malicious political manipulations as before.
In general, under the new political landscape, Hong Kong’s political system, governance methods, and political leadership have undergone significant changes, and public opinion has also changed markedly, becoming increasingly mature and imperturbable. These changes are highly beneficial to the comprehensive and accurate implementation of the “one country, two systems” principle and create the necessary conditions for Hong Kong’s transition from “chaos to order to prosperity”.
The author is a professor emeritus of sociology, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and a consultant for the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
