Published: 01:45, May 7, 2020 | Updated: 03:06, June 6, 2023
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Hong Kong must always reject external forces
By Ronald Ng

A few weeks ago, over a dozen leading “pro-democracy” activists were arrested en masse for participating in unauthorized assemblies. Over the weekend, the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region warned that the city will have no future if radical anti-government protesters return to chaos and violence at a time when unity is required to fight the coronavirus pandemic. In the face of it, these are ominous warnings that as of 2047, or even earlier, the “one country, two systems” framework, along with the many freedoms and advantages that Hong Kong presently enjoys, could be no more. However, on closer inspection, it is also a thinly disguised signal that were Hong Kong to behave in a more-reasonable and cooperative manner, the mandate of “one country, two systems” could be extended beyond 2047.

Let us first look at the advantages Hong Kong enjoys at the moment. It has its own currency and financial system that enables it to trade freely and conclude agreements with the rest of the world. The Hong Kong dollar is freely convertible but not the Chinese yuan. Hong Kong has its own legal system based on English common law, and it has a highly respected independent judiciary trusted by many overseas entities. This enables many foreign business contracts to be signed based on Hong Kong laws. It has its own passport that enables its residents to travel unhindered to many countries — a privilege not available to mainland residents. Some 150 countries do not require a prior visa application by Hong Kong people for entry into their countries, whereas mainland residents have only 70-plus visa-free destinations. Hong Kong also has its own negotiating team on such international trade bodies such as the World Trade Organization. In sports, it has its own team in the Olympics. Except in the areas of defense and foreign relations, Hong Kong is otherwise a highly autonomous entity.

If one asks whether Beijing wants Hong Kong to be successful, the answer should be an emphatic “yes” because it is in its best interest. In 1997, when Hong Kong was returned to the motherland, its GDP was more than 18 percent that of the country’s. It is now down to about 3 percent. Will that make Beijing any less interested in making Hong Kong a success? The answer is an equally emphatic “no” because Hong Kong’s successful reunification with the Chinese mainland is now being treated as a litmus test for China’s ultimate reunification goal — with Taiwan. In other words, Beijing’s desire for Hong Kong to succeed has gone well beyond economic considerations, as it must be shown to be successful as the basis to lure Taiwan back into its fold.

That Hong Kong’s GDP is now much smaller compared with that of the whole country means Beijing can now really play hardball with Hong Kong to make it fall in line. Under the circumstance, is there any way Hong Kong can maintain its semi-autonomous status and its unique liberal way of life? This is where I come back to what the Liaison Office said in a nutshell: If Hong Kong behaves, there is still hope.

The quest for democracy must be understood in the broader context of what is the meaning of, and why the need for, democrac

The quest for democracy must be understood in the broader context of what is the meaning of, and why there is a need for, democracy. If the reason for the need for democracy is to ensure that the government is working for the people, this is exactly what Abraham Lincoln said: “Government of the people, by the people, for the people.” It does not mean resorting to wanton destruction of public and private property and violence against others who do not share your views in an effort to force the government to ape certain Western democracies’ electoral practices. One should not miss the forest for the trees. It’s the result that counts, not the means to it.

So let’s consider how to make Hong Kong more worthy of popular support without creating any anxiety in the minds of top Chinese leadership through any egregious local political agitations. First of all, the Hong Kong government must ensure the people can enjoy happy and rewarding lives, and that hard work is rewarded. In short, the government would be well-advised by following Lincoln’s wise remarks on the purpose of government. It need not complicate things by trying to second-guess what Beijing wants. Both the SAR government and Hong Kong people should keep their eyes on the ball, and not be distracted again by local political agitations.

Hong Kong should not invite foreign bodies to interfere in its politics under the guise of advancing democracy. The one thing that whould guarantee to provoke the ire of the central government is to allow foreign bodies to use it as a base to subvert the country, which is to be expected as Beijing is tasked to handle Hong Kong’s defense and foreign policy.

The author is a practicing hematologist in Singapore, a medical lecturer, and a principal mediator of the Singapore Mediation Center. 

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.