For a long time, foreign travelers have been dazzled by the landscapes and culture of China. In the 13th century, the Italian merchant Marco Polo narrated with great enthusiasm the material and political structures of the court of Kublai Khan, the first emperor of the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368).

At that time, information about the Middle Kingdom left Europeans in awe of the riches flowing from China along the Silk Road. It was precisely to obtain silk, porcelain, and other techniques and goods that, a century later, they began their adventures around the world, seeking, in general, the cultural advances of the East.

Western colonialism and imperialism originated in the greed to appropriate the riches of that wonderful and unknown world. Centuries later, Lord George Macartney’s mission in 1793 was also impressed by the wonders of China as England sought to establish stable trade relations with the court of Emperor Qianlong.

Unable to achieve its objectives, Britain continued to seek ways to expand its influence in China. Decades later, these tensions culminated in the First Opium War, launched in 1840, marking the beginning of Western military aggression against China.

Like Marco Polo and George Macartney, today’s foreign travelers are fascinated by China. In addition to the beautiful landscapes and cultural heritage sites that they encounter, people are amazed by modern cities, the skyscrapers, the subway systems, the extensive network of high-speed trains, the safe streets, the fleets of electric vehicles, the disruptive technologies in the aerospace and digital sectors, the education of the people, the ancient culture and, in general, the organization of Chinese society.

However, between these two moments, there was a hiatus in the history of China, marked by a period of great difficulties, severe internal instability, foreign invasions and the imposition of unequal treaties that subjected the Chinese people to a period of great humiliation, which was only interrupted on Oct 1, 1949, when Chairman Mao Zedong announced the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. Then the Chinese people stood up again!

The victory of the People’s Liberation Army in 1949 guaranteed the Chinese people the right to make their own choices, with their burdens and benefits, without interference from any other government. Under the leadership of the CPC, the country has charted its own path, putting the interests of the people first

The contrast between the China of 1840 or 1949 and today’s China is huge. The new generations, who today enjoy a comfortable life, may forget what separates them from a difficult, insecure era. The new status is due to the political action of millions of citizens who had to sacrifice themselves in the struggle against the forces of backwardness that hindered the development and well-being of the Chinese people.

In this regard, it is worth mentioning the May Fourth Movement in 1919, when students at Peking University launched a broad movement that spread among the people to reconstruct Chinese society and the struggle against imperialism and feudalism.

In this process, Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao played key roles in organizing students against Western and Japanese imperialism and in spreading Karl Marx’s revolutionary ideas in China. Later, they would help found the Communist Party of China (CPC) on July 23, 1921, the driving force behind China’s revitalization, repositioning the country among the world’s greatest nations.

The victory of the People’s Liberation Army in 1949 guaranteed the Chinese people the right to make their own choices, with their burdens and benefits, without interference from any other government. Under the leadership of the CPC, the country has charted its own path, putting the interests of the people first.

The issue of national sovereignty has always been the cornerstone of the CPC’s policy. The economic policies that have followed one another since the first Five-Year Plan (1953-57) have aimed to ensure China’s basic autonomy in developing without being excessively dependent on other countries. Even in the face of difficulties resulting from extreme natural and climatic events or an adverse international situation, the Chinese government has advanced toward its goals.

In its quest for sovereignty, the CPC has always sought to interpret reality based on facts. The Chinese economic model was never rigid or dogmatic. Government strategies have always adjusted to circumstances objectively and, in general, have been very successful. In 1980, when the reform and opening-up policy began to take shape, China’s GDP per capita was approximately $200. In 2025, this indicator was around $14,000, placing the nation in the upper-middle-income range.

The advances achieved under the leadership of the CPC are not restricted to economic indicators. Development is not measured only by GDP. In 1950, for example, the national illiteracy rate reached 80 percent. Numerous mass policies have helped the country overcome this problem.

The Party adopted strategies such as creating night schools in factories and fields and simplifying writing, reducing the number of strokes in Chinese characters to speed up learning. Today, with 97 percent of the population literate, China has become one of the world’s leading contributors of scientific research articles and is at the forefront of cutting-edge knowledge.

In addition, life expectancy has grown spectacularly: In 1950, it was around 43 years; by 2025, this indicator had risen to almost 80 years.

Current generations, who enjoy a higher standard of living and access to material goods consistent with the current level of civilization, may have no idea how people-centered political leadership makes a difference.

China’s experience contrasts sharply with that of many developing countries. In Latin America, for instance, securing true sovereignty for the people has proved challenging for several nations, as they have suffered blackmail and interventions by foreign powers since the first days of their formal independence in the early 19th century.

The author is a professor of international political economy at Sao Paulo State University, Brazil. 

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.