When I first arrived in Hong Kong in 1978, there was no democracy to speak of. Whereas the then-governor, Sir Murray MacLehose, was appointed by the United Kingdom’s Queen Elizabeth II without consultation with the people of Hong Kong, all members of the Legislative Council (LegCo) were appointed by MacLehose. This, apart from some last-minute tinkering, was how things were conducted for most of the British era. Not surprisingly, China realized things had to change, and drastically.

Therefore, 47 years later, things could not be more different. As the successor to the British governor, the chief executive is a Hong Kong resident chosen by local people and appointed by Beijing. The lawmakers are not appointed by the chief executive but selected through a system of direct and indirect elections.

Although the Sino-British Declaration of 1984 made no mention of democracy or universal suffrage, the Basic Law of 1990 did. It envisioned the election of both the chief executive and LegCo through democratic processes, with the “ultimate aim” being their election by means of “universal suffrage”.

Although this was visionary, the plans were derailed by political saboteurs. When proposals were brought forward in 2014 to enable the chief executive to be elected by universal suffrage in 2017, they were torpedoed in 2015 by legislators incapable of seeing the bigger picture. A historic opportunity for democratic progress was lost, and the malaise worsened.

By 2012, the electoral system for LegCo had been progressively expanded since 1997 to the point where 35 of the legislators, or half the total, were elected by popular vote in geographical constituencies, and further democratization seemed possible. As things unfolded, however, it gradually became clear that foreign agents and wreckers had infiltrated the body politic, bent on damaging the city’s governance from within. In 2014, some legislators even demonstrated their unfitness for office by openly associating themselves with the street chaos that gripped the city for 79 days. Those behind the mayhem sought to achieve their political demands by blackmailing the central and regional governments.

Following the 2016 LegCo elections, things deteriorated significantly. Six legislators had to be expelled after they willfully abused the oath-taking process, including the West’s pinup boy, Nathan Law Kwun-chung. It soon became clear that Beijing-hostile legislators had no interest in providing good governance, let alone advancing people’s livelihoods. Instead, they used their positions to promote their anti-China agendas, paralyze the work of LegCo, and, in the case of the Civic Party, seek the imposition of measures hostile to the city and its officials in the United States.

In 2019, moreover, some legislators openly associated themselves with the black-clad violence that engulfed Hong Kong, and even sought to defund the Police Force at the very time it was trying to contain the chaos. A few, including Ted Hui Chi-fung, went so far as to engage in violence themselves, both on the streets and in the LegCo complex.

Everybody, therefore, who believes in Hong Kong should rise to the occasion and vote on Dec 7. A bright future beckons, but it must be entrusted to the best possible people

If faith was to be kept in democratic progress, a new model was vital. It had not only to provide good governance, but also to ensure the survival of the “one country, two systems” policy.

As a result, therefore, of the “Decision on Improving the Electoral System of the HKSAR”, which the National People’s Congress (NPC) took on March 11, 2021, the electoral system was overhauled, with amendments to Annex I and Annex II of the Basic Law. In taking its decision, the NPC recognized that the electoral system must uphold the “one country, two systems” policy, and that this, in turn, hinged on the full implementation of the principle of “patriots administering Hong Kong” (the vision of the then-paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping).

In consequence, anybody wishing to stand for election for the 90 seats in the expanded LegCo in 2021 had to commit themselves to upholding the Basic Law and to being loyal to both Hong Kong and the country. There was, therefore, no longer any place for subversive elements. This was a great relief for everybody who believed that Hong Kong deserved good governance and that it should contribute constructively to national resurgence.

On Dec 19, 2021, 153 hopefuls contested 90 seats for the seventh LegCo, comprising 40 from the Election Committee constituency, 30 from the functional constituencies, and 20 from the geographical constituencies. Unlike some of their predecessors, those elected wholeheartedly supported the “one country, two systems” principle and sought to make Hong Kong a better place to live. They worked with the government to resolve long-standing problems concerning social, livelihood and economic matters, and avoided mindless politicking. They ensured the implementation of the outstanding national security laws (Art.23), and provided the responsible governance and social stability upon which Hong Kong depends for its success. They also fully supported the country’s 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25) and committed themselves to the development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area.

Indeed, the retiring LegCo president, Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen, paid tribute to the outgoing “patriots only” LegCo, which concluded its four-year term on Oct 23. He praised the legislators for “giving their all”, noting they had completed “old, critical and difficult” tasks their predecessors had been unable to tackle. Whereas filibustering tactics had plagued the sixth LegCo, they had returned to the path of “pragmatism and cooperation”.

In the eighth LegCo elections on Dec 7, 161 hopefuls (many youthful), eight more than last time, will be contesting the 90 seats. Leung called them “young and promising”, describing all of them as “patriots who love Hong Kong”. Although they come from all walks of life, they “share the same commitment to Hong Kong’s development and to the best interests of the people”. It is noteworthy that many of the hopefuls are standing as independents, and the electors have a wide variety of platforms from which to choose.

Although the seventh LegCo undoubtedly achieved much, it would be a mistake for anybody to think it is “job done”. The eighth LegCo will have its work cut out for it, and a full in-tray awaits. Public expectations are high, and the pressure to deliver will be intense.

Although housing and other livelihood issues will be top of the agenda, Hong Kong’s involvement with the Greater Bay Area still has a long way to go before its full potential is realized. The development of the Northern Metropolis is also a work in progress, and the heavy lifting lies ahead.

If Hong Kong is to achieve the objectives outlined in the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30), including greater integration with the Chinese mainland and the accelerated development of an international innovation and technology hub, the new legislators must not only maintain the momentum of their predecessors but also take things to the next level.

Everybody, therefore, who believes in Hong Kong should rise to the occasion and vote on Dec 7. A bright future beckons, but it must be entrusted to the best possible people. If legislators are chosen who are capable, focused and patriotic, they will enjoy the confidence of the whole country, and Hong Kong’s prospects will be as rosy as they have ever been.

The author is a senior counsel and law professor, and was previously the director of public prosecutions of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.