Extreme weather events are no longer isolated anomalies, exposing the stark reality of a changing climate. Scientists warn that such disasters will become more frequent and intense as global temperatures continue to rise.
These increasingly frequent disasters demand not only an emergency response but also stable, long-term climate policies to mitigate future risks. Climate action cannot start and stop at the whim of election cycles or be derailed by geopolitical squabbles; it must be as continuous as the rising seas and as consistent as the warming atmosphere. Only a steadfast policy approach — sustained across governments and through crises — can drive the structural changes needed to confront this accelerating climate crisis.
Effective climate action takes decades of sustained effort. Stability and continuity in climate policy are therefore crucial for real progress. Indeed, in a recent joint statement, Chinese and European Union leaders urged all major economies to “maintain policy continuity and stability” in addressing climate change.
Stable policy doesn’t mean standing still; it means providing a reliable framework that outlives any single administration. However, maintaining steady climate policies is easier said than done. Economic headwinds or political turnover can tempt leaders to waver on green commitments. In recent years, climate momentum has shown vulnerability. “The Climate Action Monitor 2023: Providing Information to Monitor Progress Towards Net-Zero”, produced under the OECD’s International Programme for Action on Climate, demonstrated that in 2022-23, the pace of new climate policy adoption globally slowed to just 1 to 2 percent per year (down from approximately 10 percent in earlier years) amid geopolitical tensions and economic stress. These trends underscore why mutual trust and international cooperation are indispensable to sustain ambitious policies at home despite short-term pressures.
This is precisely where China-EU collaboration becomes strategic. If two of the world’s largest economies consistently back each other’s green agendas, it creates a bulwark of continuity. It sends a powerful signal that, even amid trade disputes or political disagreements, both sides will keep their eyes on the horizon and their feet on the path of climate action.
Strengthening China-EU climate cooperation, as their leaders have affirmed, “bears on the well-being” of their peoples and is of “great and special significance” to global climate governance. In a turbulent world, this partnership can be an anchor of multilateral climate action.
Renewable energy development stands out as a prime area for synergy. We have already seen early benefits: Chinese companies are investing heavily in European clean energy projects. For example, China’s CATL is spending 7.3 billion euros ($8.48 billion) to build a 100 gigawatt-hour electric-vehicle battery plant in Debrecen, Hungary. Conversely, European companies are expanding green business in China. German automaker BMW, for instance, recently partnered with China Datang to develop onshore wind farms for its joint venture in Shenyang — one of the first renewable power joint ventures by a carmaker in China. Similar cross-investments abound: Danish wind companies, French mass transit builders, and other European clean-tech firms are sharing know-how in energy efficiency and low-carbon innovation across China. A Greater China-EU partnership in renewables will make clean energy more “available, affordable and beneficial for all countries”. The key is stable, long-term policy support.
Carbon trading mechanisms are another strategic pillar of collaboration. The EU operates the world’s most established cap-and-trade system (the EU Emissions Trading System), which has shown how putting a price on carbon can drive emissions down across power and industrial sectors. China launched its own national emissions trading system in 2021. There is enormous potential for the two sides to align and eventually interlink these carbon markets.
The EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) — a levy on carbon-intensive imports designed to prevent the offshoring of emissions — entered its transitional phase in October 2023, with full implementation scheduled for 2026. This development adds urgency to climate cooperation between China and the EU. Without coordination, CBAM risks creating trade friction; with it, the two sides can ensure that climate ambition — rather than protectionism — shapes the rules of competition. While progress will not be immediate, each step toward regulatory alignment — from shared reporting frameworks to pilot linkages between carbon markets — brings the vision of a transcontinental carbon market closer to reality.
Disaster preparedness and infrastructure resilience form a third key area of cooperation. The harsh reality is that many impacts of climate change are already “locked in”, meaning societies must adapt to more extreme weather even as we strive to limit future warming. Both Europe and China have valuable experience to share on climate adaptation — and a shared interest in better protecting their people from climate disasters. In recent dialogues, the EU and China agreed to enhance collaboration on adaptation and resilience finance. This could involve joint research on flood control, heat-resistant urban design, drought management, and early warning systems for storms. Europe’s expertise in building resilient cities — for example, the Netherlands’ famed flood management systems or Spain’s heat-action plans — can benefit Chinese municipalities now grappling with similar challenges. Meanwhile, China’s vast investments in climate-resilient infrastructure — from “sponge cities” that absorb rainfall, to high-speed rail networks that offer alternatives to carbon-intensive air travel — offer lessons and opportunities for Europe.
None of these collaborative gains is possible without a stable policy environment. A long-term horizon is essential. In doing so, the EU and China can inspire other nations to raise their ambition. Amid rising geopolitical friction elsewhere, a reliable China-EU climate alliance provides a powerful counternarrative: That cooperation and mutual trust can prevail for the common good. This collaborative momentum aligns with the broader global climate governance architecture under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, and offers a vital boost to the success of COP30 in 2025, where countries are expected to submit enhanced climate commitments and demonstrate credible implementation pathways.
A sustained China-EU climate alliance offers a beacon of hope. By combining China’s scale and speed with Europe’s technological and regulatory savvy, this partnership can drive rapid emissions cuts and bolster our defenses against climate extremes. To strengthen this partnership and translate ambition into action, policymakers and business leaders on both sides should focus on a few key priorities:
Enshrine policy continuity: Governments must anchor climate targets in laws and multidecade strategies that survive changes in leadership. This could include binding carbon neutrality laws or cross-party climate commissions.
Boost climate resilience globally: The China-EU duo should jointly champion adaptation and resilience, at home and abroad. This could involve increasing funding for climate-resilient infrastructure (e.g., flood defenses, drought-resistant agriculture) and sharing expertise with less-developed countries.
Engage the private sector: Business leaders in both Europe and China should be encouraged and incentivized to lead on climate solutions. Corporations can set science-based emissions targets, exchange best practices on energy efficiency and circular economy, and form cross-border alliances to decarbonize supply chains. Financial institutions should integrate climate risk into all decisions. A vibrant private-sector engagement, backed by clear government signals, will unleash innovation and lower the costs of the green transition.
The climate crisis transcends borders, ideologies and systems — and so must the solutions. A steadfast China-EU climate partnership is not just about two powers improving their own resilience and cutting their own emissions; it is about lighting the way for everyone.
The author is director of research at the Institute of Innovative and High-Quality Development (Hong Kong).
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
