In his speech delivered at a recent event celebrating the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies, Xia Baolong, director of the Hong Kong and Macao Work Office of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, called on the seventh-term district councilors of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to prioritize community work and act as a bridge between the HKSAR administration and residents. Anything less will do little to boost public confidence in district councils (DCs) because the community expects more from the revamped DCs. Xia also called for “concrete action” to promote unity in the city.
Following the restoration of social stability in the city, many people called for reconciliation. But the social divide, which was aggravated by the “black-clad” riots in 2019-20, has yet to be bridged, and the political agitators continue to stage “passive resistance”. District councilors thus should promote unity by making use of various tactics in engaging with different groups of residents in their districts.
Among the different groups of residents, the one composed of upper-middle-class residents is generally sympathetic toward the “pan-democrats” in the city. The success of the Chinese mainland’s alternative development model and the country’s pursuit of the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation seem to be irrelevant to them. It also strikes us as odd that they have turned a blind eye to the bullying acts of the US government against the officials of the central government and the HKSAR government, who are tasked with enforcing the National Security Law for Hong Kong (NSL).
To make these residents feel relevant and respected, district councilors should engage in sincere communication with them, even though some of them tend to be critical of patriotic councilors; the district councilors must equip themselves with more sophisticated methods to communicate with them. In view of the different political inclinations of these residents, district councilors must learn to understand their true feelings behind what is being said, which is the first step to forge better ties with them. The next step is to understand their demands and serve them wholeheartedly. If they want to raise objections to some government policies at the district level, district councilors should honestly convey their messages to the district officers.
This group of residents generally lacks a comprehensive understanding of the country’s accomplishments in the past few decades and the history of the motherland. We should explain to them why the prevailing Western discourse on China is erroneous and unconvincing. When they get more accurate information on the mainland, their views and beliefs could change, gradually. By offering high-quality services to the community, the district councilors will demonstrate how public goods can be effectively and fairly distributed under the revamped district-level governance system. Good governance at the district level can win the hearts and minds of this group of residents.
Legislative councilors and district councilors should promote the stance of being patriots and try their best to encourage the supporters of the former opposition camp to change their stance. The first step is to strengthen unity among the patriots
Another group comprises the silent majority, which is nationalistic and embraces the Chinese Dream. They support the central government, the Basic Law, and the accurate implementation of “one country, two systems”. Influenced by Confucian tradition, they prioritize social order over individual autonomy. As Professor Lau Siu-kai pointed out, their acceptance of the NSL should be attributed to the community’s “traditional obsession with stability and security” (Color Revolution Ends as Public Support Falters, China Daily, Oct 10, 2021). The bond between this group and the government can be further strengthened by the ability of the district councilors to accommodate their daily needs at the district level. Working with this group toward a common goal is relatively easy.
Like the second group, the third group is also nationalistic and supports the central government, the Basic Law and the accurate implementation of “one country, two systems”. They also embrace the Chinese Dream, which is intended to serve as a societal glue between the disparate groups that make up the Chinese nation (Tuvia Gering, A Xinderella Story: Turning the Chinese Dream to China’s Master Narrative, in the China Report, 2023).
Unlike the commoners of the second group, the well-educated professionals of the third group are less tolerant of major policy blunders and mistakes made by the HKSAR government. Nevertheless, their constructive complaints should not be ignored by the government. Acting in good faith, these professionals give problem-rectifying feedback to the government, and their feedback should be put in the larger context of an open manifestation of their pro-government stance. They should be applauded for their efforts to draw the attention of the government to its major policy blunders.
Conveying the constructive complaints of the third group to the government is a key duty of the district councilors. The first issue is to consider whether the government should establish citywide and district-level consultation committees to collect public opinions. If the government incorporates these loyal professionals into citywide and district-level consultative committees, it will cast a wider net of professional input and perspectives to help make better decisions for Hong Kong and the community. If competent members of the first group want to join the citywide and district-level consultative committees, the government should roll out welcome mats for them.
The last group is the hardest nut to crack because of its anti-government political stance. Frankly speaking, district councilors will find it extremely difficult to communicate with these hardcore anti-government disruptors. In a situation of fundamental conflicts of political beliefs, even district councilors with high emotional intelligence will be unable to open a critical window of opportunity for building a rapport with them. Although the deterrent effect of the NSL could free the city from their disruptive activities, their “passive resistance” will remain a latent threat to the fabric of social unity in the city. Nor is it easy to dispel the negative narratives propagated by these anti-government disruptors.
Legislative councilors and district councilors should promote the stance of being patriots and try their best to encourage the supporters of the former opposition camp to change their stance. The first step is to strengthen unity among the patriots. As Xia has correctly pointed out, Hong Kong’s political elites should set aside their sectarian differences and work to unite the whole society.
Pearl Tsang is chairwoman of the Hong Kong Ample Love Society, co-director of district administration of the Chinese Dream Think Tank, and a district councilor.
Kacee Ting Wong is a barrister, a part-time researcher of Shenzhen University Hong Kong and the Macao Basic Law Research Center, chairman of the Chinese Dream Think Tank, and a district councilor.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
