Recent international events, including the tariff war, the dispute over Greenland, and the Iran conflict, have revealed more than a fracture in Western unity; they have exposed the urgency of building a multipolar world where no single power dictates the global order.

What began as simmering tensions among the great powers has now erupted into the unthinkable: Open conflict between the United States and its own Western allies. This rupture marks a turning point in global politics, forcing Europe and many other countries to confront the limits of their dependence on Washington.

The earlier Davos wake-up call was not just an alarm for Europe but a warning to the entire world. It compels us to face a new reality: A single power intent on dictating the global order. The moment recalls the specter of old imperialism, the raw jungle politics of dominance, and hegemonies ruling without regard for others. Yet within this reckoning lies the faint possibility of a dawn — the emergence of a genuinely multipolar world.

The hard truth remains: Unless Europe asserts itself as a strong, independent pole amid today’s geopolitical turbulence — and unless China-EU relations improve in substance rather than in rhetoric — the vision of a multipolar world will remain a mirage.

History demonstrates Europe’s pivotal role in global politics. Denmark — grappling with Washington’s renewed pressure over Greenland earlier this year — was among the first Western nations to recognize the People’s Republic of China in January 1950, only months after its founding. The truly seismic shift, however, came in January 1964, when France became the most influential Western power to establish full diplomatic relations with Beijing. Then-French president Charles de Gaulle’s bold decision was hailed as a “diplomatic nuclear explosion”, shattering the Western consensus of isolating China and elevating France’s global standing as a nation capable of asserting independent strategies.

The “Make America Great Again” doctrine reveals a calculated strategy to recalibrate America’s strength against global rivals. Though it presents itself as a retreat into the Western Hemisphere, it is in fact underpinned by an expanded military budget and demands that allies assume greater responsibility for their own security. This posture grants Washington leverage to keep every power in check. It also explains the White House’s eagerness to end the Russia-Ukraine conflict — not as reconciliation, but as a way to preserve Russia as a counterweight restraining both Europe and China. In effect, the US positions itself, as a Chinese proverb warns, to “watch tigers fight from the safety of a hill”, exploiting divisions while tightening its grip on the global order.

Yet this shift exposes Europe’s deepest vulnerability: It remains caught between Washington’s dominance and Beijing’s ascent. After US President Donald Trump began his second term, instead of Europe seizing another “de Gaulle moment”, it was Washington that repeated history with its own “Nixon moment” to tune down its hostility toward Beijing. While this has been widely framed as a tactical victory for China, in reality it reinforced America’s leverage by playing “rivals” against one another.

Multipolarity will not arise by default. Europe must act decisively to counter the headwinds and assert genuine global influence. Above all, it must forge a more strategic relationship with China. Without such resolve, the vision of a multipolar order will remain an illusion

The lesson from these events is unmistakable: Multipolarity will not arise by default. Europe must act decisively to counter the headwinds and assert genuine global influence. Above all, it must forge a more strategic relationship with China. Without such resolve, the vision of a multipolar order will remain an illusion.

Europe might disagree with China in some issues, but the White House’s tariff war, pressure over Greenland, and attacks on Europe’s “left-leaning ideology” have nonetheless opened space for closer EU-China dialogue. This shift is evident in the stream of European leaders now visiting Beijing. After an eight-year hiatus in visits by his predecessors, United Kingdom Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer arrived in Beijing in late January, reviving the “Golden Era” business dialogue. The visits are part of a broader pattern: Finnish and Irish leaders had traveled to Beijing earlier that month, and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez followed in April — his fourth visit in four years — deepening economic ties and publicly rebuking US military action in Iran. Beyond Europe, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, after clashing with Washington over tariffs, has likewise restored ties with Beijing and secured what he calls a “preliminary but landmark” trade deal during his visit to Beijing in January.

Next, trade has given both sides incentives to amend cold relations, even as it remains a collision point with Europe alarmed by China’s export surge. By 2025, bilateral trade had reached $849.81 billion, up 6 percent year-on-year. 2025 marked a milestone: The EU became China’s second-largest export destination, while China reclaimed its role as Germany’s top trading partner. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s move to lead a major delegation to China for economic talks in February reflected the judgment that without access to the Chinese market, reviving Germany’s economy will be difficult. The electric vehicle price-undertaking agreement, which avoided a 35.3 percent anti-subsidy duty, is a test case for managing rivalry without confrontation while opening cooperation in low-carbon sectors.

Last but not least, both sides share common goals in green energy and climate change, alongside wider global agendas. While the US has withdrawn from more than 60 international organizations, China and the EU intend to strengthen their multilateral presence. Their absence from the “Board of Peace” inauguration was deliberate. Instead, they seek to uphold the United Nations framework as the cornerstone of global governance. If Europe and China can translate shared priorities on climate and energy into tangible cooperation, multipolarity may finally shift from aspiration to reality — not a rhetorical promise but the architecture of a new world. And if they succeed, this year will be remembered not for the fracture that it exposed but for the moment when a multipolar dawn first broke through the darkness.

The author is a professor of globalization and business at the City University of Hong Kong.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.