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Wednesday, March 10, 2021, 23:39
Electoral reform: Law of cause, effect at work
By Junius Ho Kwan-yiu and Kacee Ting Wong
Wednesday, March 10, 2021, 23:39 By Junius Ho Kwan-yiu and Kacee Ting Wong

In 2019, the turmoil caused by the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill was the event that lit the fuse for an unprecedented anti-government campaign in Hong Kong. As a result, Hong Kong suffered the full brunt of unprecedented devastation. Social unrest escalated, the rule of law was hit, and the trust among people, and between the government and public, was rocked to its foundation.

For more than a year, rallies and protests became the norm, and nearly every demonstration turned into a violent rampage. A large number of students and young people were egged on to champion this anti-government campaign. Regrettably, violent confrontations in the Chinese University and Polytechnic University resulted in injuries. The protesters resorted to subversive activities like blocking roads, paralyzing Hong Kong’s international airport, attacking the central government’s liaison office in the HKSAR in pressing for their “five demands” which include the resignation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor and introduction of universal suffrage for the Chief Executive and Legislative Council elections. Advocacy for Hong Kong independence was conspicuously noticed during the campaign known widely as “black revolution”, which blatantly stepped on the bottom line of “one country, two systems”.  

The National People’s Congress had to authorize its Standing Committee to tailor-make a National Security Law for Hong Kong (NSL), with the aim of putting an end to the chaos and restoring social order in Hong Kong, which took effect on June 30 last year. Arguably, the law has helped effectively end the mayhem.

As noticed by many observers, over recent years, external forces hostile to China have egged on and colluded with local separatists to turn Hong Kong into a base for subverting China, taking advantage of the city’s unique status as a special administrative region with a high degree of autonomy.

After many years of infiltration, those subversives have been lurking in every corner of Hong Kong society, including the Legislative Council and District Councils, who missed no opportunity to unleash China-bashing rhetoric and create chaos. Hong Kong’s governance establishment is fraught with subversives who threaten national security and Hong Kong’s stability. As a result of such toxic politics, the operation of the Legislative Council has been frequently disrupted and even brought to a standstill, over recent years.

In January, 55 individuals were arrested for organizing or participating in the “35-plus Primaries” in July last year. Of these, 47 are being prosecuted for “conspiracy to subvert State power”. The ultimate aim of the scheme is to paralyze the operation of the SAR government to facilitate a regime change through a 10-step plan including first gaining majority control of the Legislative Council, vetoing government budget requests indiscriminately and triggering massive social unrest in Hong Kong.

As a further step to restore Hong Kong’s constitutional order and safeguard the city’s long-term stability and prosperity, the National People’s Congress, the country’s top legislature, decided on March 5 to initiate reform of Hong Kong’s electoral system to ensure that positions of authority in the region can only be occupied by patriots.

The movers and shakers in the opposition camp, who are able to shape the political landscape of Hong Kong, have undoubtedly made irreversible mistakes to their detriment. They have overlooked Beijing’s zero tolerance toward Hong Kong independence advocacy, distorted the “one country, two systems” principle for their own political ends, and stepped on the bottom line of “one country, two systems” by going beyond the boundary of Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. And in inviting interference by external forces, they demonstrated a glaring lack of political wisdom, because of which they failed to appreciate the central government’s determination and ability to safeguard national interests. 

The NPC’s timely move to improve Hong Kong’s electoral system, which will help remove the roadblocks that have hindered socioeconomic development in the HKSAR, should be welcomed by the majority of Hong Kong people.

As legal practitioners, we saw the law of cause and effect at work in all these recent events. As members of Hong Kong society, we are more concerned about the future development of Hong Kong in the face of unalterable history and facts. It should be noted inter alia that the proposed electoral reform is to be added to Annex I and Annex II of the Basic Law, without the need to amend its main body. In other words, there has been no fundamental change in the central authorities’ strategy for governing Hong Kong. At the end of the day, it is still up to the people of Hong Kong to chart their own course. 

Many people are hopeful that Hong Kong people can build on the city’s past glory. Thirty years ago, one of the writers of this commentary, Kacee Ting, set foot in Hong Kong for the first time and marveled at its ample economic opportunities. Hong Kong people lived and worked in peace at that time, and were focused on creating wealth and getting rich.  

It is hoped that the proposed electoral reform will help ensure that anyone who takes part in politics or joins Hong Kong’s governance establishment in future will be a person of vision and ability, and who will always have Hong Kong people’s well-being in mind. 

Junius Ho Kwan-yiu is a Legislative Council member and a solicitor. 

Kacee Ting Wong is a barrister and a part-time researcher of Shenzhen University Hong Kong and Macao Basic law Research Center. 

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily. 


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